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* fix PDF pipeline to chase 00-* changes; zh-tw fixes
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GlenWeyl authored Mar 11, 2024
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2 changes: 1 addition & 1 deletion .github/workflows/main.yml
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jobs:
build:
if: github.repository_owner == 'pluralitybook'
if: ${{ github.repository_owner == 'pluralitybook' || github.repository_owner == 'audreyt' }}
runs-on: ubuntu-latest
permissions:
contents: write
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4 changes: 2 additions & 2 deletions contents/english/00-00-endorsements.md
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# Credits
# Endorsements

Placeholder for credits for contributions across a diversity of domains that helped create the book. Contributors will be highlighted in line with their social capital and the type of their contribution will be showcased. Coming soon after the finalization of the English print edition text.
This space is reserved for a collection of endorsements from esteemed figures across various fields, whose words will underscore the significance and impact of this work.
2 changes: 1 addition & 1 deletion contents/english/00-02-finding-your-dao.md
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**Finding Your Dao**
# Finding Your Dao

As we discuss in the book, linear book narratives have a significant disadvantage of forcing every reader down a single learning path. While the online version avoids this through the extensive use of hyperlinks, those who hold a physical copy will find this more challenging to navigate. To partially alleviate this problem, we have structured the text in a "circular" manner, where readers can start at a variety of points, read from there and circle back to the "earlier" material at the end.

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2 changes: 1 addition & 1 deletion contents/english/02-01-a-view-from-yushan.md
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[^JJ14]: Hsu, *The Construction of National Identity, 48.*

In 1949, having been defeated by communists, Chiang and two million ROC citizens fully relocated to Taiwan, declaring it the home of "free China", while simultaneously imposing on the eight million native, primarily Taigi- and Hakka-speaking population military rule that came to be known as the "White Terror". Acting as dictator, Chiang positioned the ROC to the world as the true representatives of China. Internally, people in Taiwan experienced a violent outsider government, one that had swiftly taken control of the island and began to suppress any sign of Taiwanese identity systematically and ruthlessly.[^JJ15]
In 1949, having been defeated by communists, Chiang and two million ROC soldiers and civilians relocated to Taiwan, declaring it the home of "free China", while simultaneously imposing martial law on the eight million native, primarily Taigi- and Hakka-speaking population that came to be known as the "White Terror". Acting as dictator, Chiang positioned the ROC to the world as the true representatives of China. Internally, people in Taiwan experienced a violent outsider government, one that had swiftly taken control of the island and began to suppress any sign of Taiwanese identity systematically and ruthlessly.[^JJ15]

[^JJ15]: Hsu, *The Construction of National Identity,* 71.

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4 changes: 2 additions & 2 deletions contents/english/05-04-augmented-deliberation.md
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The next oldest and most common communicative form is writing. While far less interactive, writing enables words to travel across much greater distances and time. Typically conceived as capturing the voice of a single "author", written communications can spread broadly, even globally, with the aid of printing and translation. They can endure for thousands of years, allowing for a "broadcast" of messages much farther than amphitheaters or loudspeakers can achieve.

This underscores a crucial trade-off: the richness and immediacy of in-person discussions versus the extensive reach and permanence of the written word. Many platforms strive to blend elements of both in-person and written communication by creating a network where in-person conversations serve as links among individuals who are physically and socially proximate, and writing serves as a bridge, connecting people who are geographically distant from each other. The World Cafe [^WorldCafe] or Open Space Technology [^OpenSpace] methods, where dozens or even thousands of people convene and participate in small groups for dialogue, while the written notes from those small clusters are synthesized and distributed broadly. Other examples include many constitutional and rule-making processes, book clubs, editorial boards for publications, focus groups, surveys, and other research processes, etc. A typical pattern is that a group deliberates on writing that is then submitted to another deliberative group that results in another document that is then sent back, and so on. One might recognize this in legal tradition via oral and written arguments, as well as the academic peer review process.
This underscores a crucial trade-off: the richness and immediacy of in-person discussions versus the extensive reach and permanence of the written word. Many platforms strive to blend elements of both in-person and written communication by creating a network where in-person conversations serve as links among individuals who are physically and socially proximate, and writing serves as a bridge, connecting people who are geographically distant from each other. The World Cafe [^WorldCafe] or Open Space Technology [^OpenSpaceTechnnology] methods, where dozens or even thousands of people convene and participate in small groups for dialogue, while the written notes from those small clusters are synthesized and distributed broadly. Other examples include many constitutional and rule-making processes, book clubs, editorial boards for publications, focus groups, surveys, and other research processes, etc. A typical pattern is that a group deliberates on writing that is then submitted to another deliberative group that results in another document that is then sent back, and so on. One might recognize this in legal tradition via oral and written arguments, as well as the academic peer review process.

One of the most fundamental challenges this variety of forms tries to navigate is the trade-off between diversity and bandwidth [^TradeoffDiversity]. On the one hand, when we attempt to engage individuals with vastly diverse perspectives in conversations, the discussions could become less efficient, lengthy, costly, and time-consuming. This often means that they have trouble yielding definite and timely outcomes, the "analysis paralysis" often bemoaned in corporate settings and complaint (sometimes attributed to Oscar Wilde) that "socialism takes too many evenings".

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Such dynamic representations of social life could also dramatically improve how we approach representation and selection of participants for deeper deliberation, such as in person or in rich immersive shared realities. With a richer accounting of relevant social differences, it may be possible to move beyond geography or simple demographics and skills as groups that need to be represented. Instead, it may be possible to increasingly use the full intersectional richness of identity as a basis for considering inclusion and representation. Constituencies defined this way could participate in elections or, instead of sortition, protocols could be devised to choose the maximally diverse committees for a deliberation by, for example, choosing a collection of participants that minimizes how marginalized from representation the most marginalized participants are based on known social connections and affiliations. Such an approach could achieve many of the benefits of sortition, administration and election simultaneously, especially if combined with some of the liquid democracy approaches that we discuss in the voting chapter below.


It may be possible to, in some cases, even more radically re-imagine the idea of representation. LLMs can be "fine-tuned" to increasingly accurately mimic the ideas and styles of individuals [^LLMFineTune]. One can imagine training a model on the text of a community of people and thus, rather than representing one person's perspective, it could operate as a fairly direct collective representative, possibly as an aid, complement or check on the discretion of a person intended to represent that group.
It may be possible to, in some cases, even more radically re-imagine the idea of representation. LLMs can be "fine-tuned" to increasingly accurately mimic the ideas and styles of individuals [^LLMFinetune]. One can imagine training a model on the text of a community of people and thus, rather than representing one person's perspective, it could operate as a fairly direct collective representative, possibly as an aid, complement or check on the discretion of a person intended to represent that group.



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3 changes: 3 additions & 0 deletions contents/traditional-mandarin/00-00-名家推薦.md
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# 名家推薦

本頁預留給各領域傑出人士,他們的推薦語將彰顯本書的重要性和影響力。
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**找到你的道路**
# 找到你的道路

正如我們在書中所討論的,線性的書籍敘事有個顯著的缺點,就是強迫每個讀者走上單一的學習道路。雖然本書的線上版本通過大量使用超連結來避免這個問題,但實體版比較不容易為讀者導航。為了部分緩解這個問題,我們以「循環」的方式構建文本,讀者可以從各種起點開始閱讀,之後再回到「更早」的材料。

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3 changes: 3 additions & 0 deletions contents/traditional-mandarin/00-03-致謝.md
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# 致謝

此處預留位置,用來感謝那些在不同領域中做出貢獻、幫助創作本書的人們。貢獻者們將根據他們的社會資本與貢獻類型來列名。英文印刷版文本定稿之後,致謝部分的內容很快就會補上。
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### 臺灣的歷史脈絡

民進黨和國民黨所強調的各異身份,對應著「這個地方是什麼」的不同側面和想像。這與臺灣島名的另一種詞源產生了共鳴:西拉雅語「tayw-an」意為「人-土地」。對於國民黨(常被稱為「藍營」)來說,臺灣的特色是大部分人都說漢語,包括華語、台語和客語。有些人甚至認為,
比起中华人民共和国(以下簡稱為簡體「中国」),臺灣在民族史上更「華」,80% 以上的人以華語為主要語言(中国為 70%),40% 以上的人信奉道教等傳統宗教(中国不到 20%),憲法基於三民主義(下文將介紹)而非外來的馬克思主義。然而,對於那些受民進黨(通常被稱為「綠營」)觀點影響的人來說,臺灣是歷史多元、跨文化的島嶼,在清朝統治下作為邊疆只經過了兩個世紀,如今應該成為自主決定其未來的中心。因此,為了理解這些分歧,我們必須簡要追溯這座島嶼和民國政府的歷史。
民進黨和國民黨所強調的各異身份,對應著「這個地方是什麼」的不同側面和想像。這與臺灣島名的另一種詞源產生了共鳴:西拉雅語「tayw-an」意為「人-土地」。對於國民黨(常被稱為「藍營」)來說,臺灣的特色是大部分人都說漢語,包括華語、台語和客語。有些人甚至認為,比起中华人民共和国(以下簡稱為簡體「中国」),臺灣在民族史上更「華」,80% 以上的人以華語為主要語言(中国為 70%),40% 以上的人信奉道教等傳統宗教(中国不到 20%),憲法基於三民主義(下文將介紹)而非外來的馬克思主義。然而,對於那些受民進黨(通常被稱為「綠營」)觀點影響的人來說,臺灣是歷史多元、跨文化的島嶼,在清朝統治下作為邊疆只經過了兩個世紀,如今應該成為自主決定其未來的中心。因此,為了理解這些分歧,我們必須簡要追溯這座島嶼和民國政府的歷史。

臺灣的歷史,是一場關於爭議空間的故事,在每個轉折處都有戰爭、叛亂、殖民者、去殖民化,以及國家獨立的敘事。如同南海許多島嶼一樣,臺灣原住民族在殖民擴張中遭遇了諸如西班牙、日本、和荷蘭等帝國的勢力。到了十七世紀,荷蘭人在島嶼的南部定居,而西班牙人則定居在北部;這兩處定居點均為貿易港口,同時大部分的島嶼由於地形險峻及原住民對殖民統治的激烈抵抗,仍然難以接近。[^JJ1]

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[^JJ14]: Hsu, *The Construction of National Identity, 48.*

1949 年,蔣介石被共產黨擊敗,帶著民國 200 萬公民全部遷往臺灣,宣佈臺灣成為「自由中國」的家園,同時對 800 萬主要講台語和客語的本土人口實行軍事統治,這就是後來的「白色恐怖」。蔣介石作為獨裁者,將民國對外定位為中國的真正代表。對內,臺灣人民經歷了外來政權的暴力,這個政府迅速控制了臺灣島,並開始系統、無情地鎮壓任何臺灣身份的跡象。[^JJ15]
1949 年,蔣介石被共產黨擊敗,帶著民國 200 萬軍民遷往臺灣,宣佈臺灣成為「自由中國」的家園,同時對 800 萬主要講台語和客語的本土人口實施戒嚴,這就是後來的「白色恐怖」。蔣介石作為獨裁者,將民國對外定位為中國的真正代表。對內,臺灣人民經歷了外來政權的暴力,這個政府迅速控制了臺灣島,並開始系統、無情地鎮壓任何臺灣身份的跡象。[^JJ15]

[^JJ15]: Hsu, *The Construction of National Identity,* 71.

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黑客松的組成團隊,是公務員、第三部門、學者、活動和技術專家組成的混合隊伍,從問題的結構、跨利益關係人的溝通、新資訊技術的互接、開放政府資料的應用,在長達數月的黑客松過程裡共創共學,並在 PDIS 支持下組成資料聯盟,透過集體協商來處理海洋污染、空氣品質監測、野火預警系統,和一系列不平等議題。

總統盃運用平方投票,我們將在下文《05-06 投票》討論。這種模式,使得每個人都有可能支援某個獲勝者,然而,如果有人非常強烈地支援某個項專案,也能替該專案帶來巨大的推動力,從而使眾多參與者至少成為部分獲勝者。總統向卓越團隊頒發的投影機獎座,也對於開放社群帶來了相當程度的政治授權。
總統盃運用平方投票,我們將在下文《05-06 投票》討論。這種模式,使得每個人都有可能支援某個獲勝者,然而,如果有人非常強烈地支援某項專案,也能替該專案帶來巨大的推動力,從而使眾多參與者至少成為部分獲勝者。總統向卓越團隊頒發的投影機獎座,也對於開放社群帶來了相當程度的政治授權。

近年來,這種做法已經擴展到技術解決方案範疇之外。「點子松(ideathon)」站在 2040 未來視角,結合群眾參與,促使各界投入推測設計的活動。「公益創新.徵案100」也採用了平方募資(詳見《05-06 社會市場》),來資助富有公共價值的專案。

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儘管這些方法有些侷限,然而它們都造就了不可忽視的巨大成功。牛頓力學解釋了一系列現象,並激發工業革命的技術;達爾文主義是現代生物學的基礎;經濟學一直是對公共政策影響最大的社會科學;邱奇-圖靈(Church-Turing)的“通用計算”願景幫助也啟發了關於通用電腦的想法且普及至今。

這些方法,正是我們在前一章中討論的「專家統治」和「放任主義」世界觀的立基,儘管它們有各自偏重的部分。AT 專注一元論固有的理性和其中科學的統一性,試圖驅使技術,讓社會生活理性化。放任主義專注於原子(個人化)本質上的分裂,試圖為這裡面的相互作用(比如,自然選擇和市場過程)建立一套 "自然法則" 模型。如此而言,雖然專家統治和放任主義看起來是對立的,但它們是在「共同的科學世界觀」中相互對立。
這些方法,正是我們在前一章中討論的「專家統治」和「放任主義」世界觀的立基,儘管它們有各自偏重的部分。「專家統治」專注一元論固有的理性和其中科學的統一性,試圖驅使技術,讓社會生活理性化。「放任主義」專注於原子(個人化)本質上的分裂,試圖為這裡面的相互作用(比如,自然選擇和市場過程)建立一套 "自然法則" 模型。如此而言,雖然專家統治和放任主義看起來是對立的,但它們是在「共同的科學世界觀」中相互對立。

就共同世界觀激發的一切而言,二十世紀的科學已揭示了它們的侷限性。相對論,更別提量子力學,早已顛覆了牛頓的宇宙。哥德爾定理和各種後續出現的研究已打破了數學的統一性和完整性,一系列非歐幾里得幾何現在對科學至關重要。

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